Sarah, here is a snippet from an article on the 'ethics' of of 'post-modern'
citizenship, includes references. Not much in here on 'marginalized'
citoyens de monde who are do not have options due to 'social heritage' (ie,
born into a pariah class).

http://csf.colorado.edu/jwsr/archive/vol5/vol5_number2/html/urry/index.html

Journal of World Systems Research (e-journal).

NEW CITIZENSHIPS

Thus globalisation seems to involve some weakening of the power of the
social and a corresponding development of 'post-national' citizenship (Rose
1996). Soysal argues that national citizenship is losing ground to a more
universal model of membership located within an increasingly
de-territorialised notion of a person's more universal rights (1994: 3;
Bauböck 1994). This post-national citizenship is especially connected with
the growth of guest-working across many societies, greater global
interdependence, increasingly overlapping memberships of different kinds of
citizenship, and the emergence of universalistic rules and conceptions
regarding human rights formalised by international codes and laws (such as
the UN, UNESCO, ILO, EU, Council of Europe, Geneva Conventions, European
Human Rights Convention and so on). Overall Soysal suggests an increasing
contradiction between rights, which are universal, uniform and globally
defined, and social identities, which are particularistic and territorially
specified (1994).

Contemporary citizenship can thus be described as loosely 'post-modern'. In
some places there is no modern rational-legal state, with a clear monopoly
of power, able to deliver unambiguous rights and duties to its citizens who
comprise a nation of strangers. And elsewhere, global processes restructure
social inequalities and transform many states into 'regulators' of such
flows. Corporations, brands, NGOs and multi-national 'states' also have
emerged as in some respects more powerful than nation-states. Page 314
Journal of World-Systems Research


Societies, such as those of the overseas Chinese, have developed that are
non-coterminous with the boundaries of nation-states. Overall the hybrid and
fragmented character of many apparent societies in a post-colonial period is
said to result in a disjunctive, contested and inconsistent citizenship,
according to Yuval-Davis a 'differential multi-tiered citizenship' order
(1997: 12; and see Bauböck 1994).

This growth of post-national citizenship, and more globally reinforced
notions of human rights, stem from a wide array of new processes and
institutional arrangements stretching within and across different societies.
There are thus a wide variety of citizenships emerging in the contemporary
world. These include:

cultural citizenship involving the right of all social groups (ethnic,
gender, sexual, age) to full cultural participation within their society
(Richardson 1998)
minority citizenship involving the rights to enter another society and then
to remain within that society and to receive appropriate rights and duties
(Yuval-Davis 1997)
ecological citizenship concerned with the rights and responsibilities of the
citizen of the earth (van Steenbergen 1994)
cosmopolitan citizenship concerned with how people may develop an
orientation to other citizens, societies and cultures across the globe (Held
1995)
consumer citizenship concerned with the rights of people to be provided with
appropriate goods, services and information by both the private and public
sectors (Stevenson 1997)
mobility citizenship concerned with the rights and responsibilities of
visitors to other places and other cultures (Urry 1990).
Van Steenbergen has elaborated ecological citizenship (1994; see Batty and
Gray 1996). Three extensions of such rights are important: to future
generations, to animals and to 'natural' objects. And duties and
responsibilities for animals and such objects have to be undertaken which in
effect serve to re-construct humans as possessors of special powers and
responsibilities. Van Steenbergen argues that there is an ecological
citizenship consisting of a set of rights (e.g. reasonable quality of water
and air) and duties Page 315 Journal of World-Systems Research


(e.g. not to consume CFCs) which should be seen as sitting alongside T. H.
Marshall's civil, political and social rights. As the Brundtland Report
states: 'All human beings have the fundamental right to an environment
adequate for their health and well-being' (quoted Batty and Gray 1996: 154).
Various American states have affirmed the ecological rights of their
citizens, while the South African constitution asserts such an ecological
right (Batty and Gray 1996: 153). However, van Steenbergen's formulation is
too mechanistic. Ecological rights and duties involve the implosion of the
supposedly separate civil, political and social rights. Indeed, the
globalisation of risk in many ways highlights the artificiality of Marshall'
s differentiations, and of how contemporary social life involves
simultaneous experiences that subsume and fuse Marshall's different
dimensions of citizenship.

I will now set out below a citizenship of flow. First, globalisation
produces a collapse of power of the national society through the development
of apparently new global risks (Beck 1992; Macnaghten and Urry 1998). These
include:

environmental or health 'bads' resulting from what is now conceptualised as
'global' environmental change;
cultural homogenisation which destroys local cultures (so-called
'cocacolonisation'of culture);
the development of diseases carried across national borders by travellers
(aids);
the intermittent collapse of world markets particularly for agricultural
commodities;
financial meltdowns and their devastating effects upon economic and social
life within particular places especially in the developing world;
the proliferation of hugely insecure, unpoliced and out of control 'wild
zones' (such as former Yugoslavia, Somalia, inner-city USA).
the dependence of people upon expert systems (for travel, environmental
protection, medical support, safe food and so on) which they may not trust
since such systems contradict day-to-day social experiences and forms of lay
knowledge.
With regard to global rights these might be thought to include the rights
(see Held 1995; Pierson 1996; Castells 1997):

to be able to migrate from one society to another and to stay at least
temporarily with comparable rights as the indigenous population;

to be able to return not as stateless and with no significant loss of
rights;
to be able to carry one's culture with one and to encounter elsewhere a
hybrid culture containing at least some elements of one's own culture;
to be able to buy across the globe the products, services and icons of
diverse other cultures and then to be able to locate them within one's own
culture and hence to change it in incremental ways;
to be able to form social movements with citizens of other cultures to
oppose particular states (such as UK as the dirty man of Europe), sets of
states (the North), corporations (Shell), general bads and so on;
to be able to engage in leisure migration throughout almost all the 200
countries on the globe and hence to 'consume' all those other places and
environments (including those en route). Most barriers to leisure travel
have now disappeared;
to be able to inhabit environments which are relatively free of risks to
health and safety produced by both local and distant causes; and to be
provided with the means by which to know about those environments through
multi-media sources of information, understanding and reflection;
to be able to sense the quality of each environment one encounters directly
rather than to have to rely on expert systems which are alienating and often
untrustworthy;
to have access to the variety of multi-media products increasingly available
across the globe. Such products reconfigure contemporary citizenship because
of the way in which they come to be constituted out of diverse actors,
images and technologies stretching across the globe.
for future generations to be able to have access to these rights into the
unknowable future
Global duties and responsibilities could be thought to include:

to find out the state of the globe, both through national sources of
information and image but especially through sources which are
internationalised (see Ohmae 1990, on the borderless world where states are
increasingly unable to control information flows);
to demonstrate a stance of cosmopolitanism towards other environments,





other cultures and other peoples. Such cosmopolitanism may involve either
consuming such environments across the globe or refusing to so consume such
environments (see Bell and Valentine 1997, on how to 'cook global' on the
one hand, and 'cooking for a small planet' on the other);

to engage in forms of behaviour with regard to culture, the environment and
politics which are consistent with the various official and lay conceptions
of sustainability which often contradict each other (Macnaghten and Urry
1998: chap 7);
to respond to images, icons, narratives and so on, which address people as
highly differentiated citizens of the globe rather than as citizens of a
nation, ethnie, gender, class, generation (as in Benetton advertising the
colours of the world; more generally, see Szerszynski and Toogood 1999);
to seek to convince others that they should also seek to act on part of the
globe as a whole which is suffering collectively, rather than in terms of
shared identity interests. Such persuasion will involve both informational
and image-based media (Hansen 1993).
GLOBAL MEDIA

I will now consider one factor in the development of this putative global
citizenship, namely the mass or global media. Citizenship has always
necessitated symbolic resources distributed through various means of mass
communication, as with what Anderson terms "print capitalism" in the
nineteenth century development of the imagined community of the nation
(1989). Particularly important in the development of twentieth century
notions of national citizenship has been that of radio broadcasting,
especially when publicly owned. As Murdock notes:

Where commercial broadcasting regarded listeners as consumers of products,
the ethoc of public service viewed them as citizens of a nation state. It
aimed to universalise the provision of the existing cultural institutions
... (1992: 26-7).

In the past two decades or so the global media have been important in
generating images of many environmentally threatened localities throughout
the world, such as the Amazonian rain forest. As a consequence people Page
318 Journal of World-Systems Research


can imagine ourselves as sharing some of the same global problems partly
because of the development of images which involve what can be called the
globalisation of nature, as opposed to those images of nature which have in
the past been predominantly national (see Hansen 1993). At least one
precondition then of global citizenship is the development of global media,
and especially of images of threatened places which partly stand for the
plight of the globe as a whole and which may enable people to view
themselves as citizens of the globe, as opposed to, or as least as well as,
citizens of a nation-state. Szerszynski and Toogood argue the mass media
have transformed the possibilities of interaction and dialogue in
contemporary societies, remaking the public sphere through highly mediated
forms of quasi-interaction and involving new ways of conceiving self and
identity (1999).

Five points about the media should be emphasised here. First, the media
produce images as well as information, and - if anything - it is such images
which provide the means by which nature has come to be understood as
seriously threatened has become a widely shared belief at the end of the
twentieth century. This is a non-cognitivist view of the role of the media
and also one which by-passes the conventional debates on the media about
'disortion'.

Second, these images of the globe, icons of nature and exemplary heroes may
have come to play a central role precisely because many sources of
'information' are only at best weakly trusted. Both states and coroporations
are viewed by many people as untrustworthy and so paradoxically media images
can provide more stable forms of meaning and interpretation in a culture in
which 'seeing is believing', especially if those images are repeated time
and time again (see Macnaghten and Urry 1998: chap 2).

Third, these media images can connect local experiences with each other and
hence provide powerful sources of hermeneutic interpretation which make
sense of what would otherwise be disparate and apparently unconnected events
and phenomena. Electronic communication has begun to create a global
village, blurring what is private and what is public, what is frontstage and
what is backstage, what is near and what is far, what is now and what is in
the future. Little remains hidden from view and this may assist in forming
shared structures of social and political experience, such as environmental
thought and practice (see Meyrowitz 1985).

Fourth, the effects of the media in producing a public staging of what might
otherwise remain private means that all individuals and social institutions
can be put on that stage and subject to 'shaming'. The identification within
the various media of potentially shameful behaviour can happen to every
person and every institution. No-one is exempt from this shaming culture,
especially not powerful figures or institutions. Much backstage behaviour
can be revealed, put on display, revealed around the globe and re-presented
over and over again. Where that behaviour transgresses norms, where others
express their disapproval through what Thompson terms an opprobrious
discourse, and where those involved have a reputation or 'name' to lose,
then a scandal will ensue and the person or institution will be nationally
or even globally shamed (see Thompson 1997, especially on how those 'who
live by the media are most likely to die by the media'). And media-driven
scandals of course are not just confined to sexual or financial revelations.
Increasingly states and corporations are subject to shaming over their
environmental policies and practices. The 'good name' or the 'brand' of the
state or corporation is a particularly vulnerable symbolic capital that can
rapidly evaporate within an increasingly mediated culture of shame.

Finally, media events also reveal themselves as visibly staged. Albrow notes
the importance of global events in which, in a sense, the world views
itself. Examples include the globally broadcast Live Aid concert, the
release from prison of Nelson Mandela, the dramatic death and subsequent
funeral of Princess Diana, the Olympics Games, the World Cup and so on
(Albrow 1996: 146; Anderson 1997: 172-3). In each of these striking images
came to be globally circulated, recognised and consumed, images which have
become central to the iconography of global citizenship. Such images were
seen as both depicting the globe and speaking for the globe.

Such visual images are often accompanied by written or by spoken text which
contextualise these images. Within an electronic age there are many possible
relations between speakers and audiences. Thus such texts will involve 'a
complex deixis of little words' which imaginatively connect the speaker to
particular audiences (Billig 1995: 106). The little words involved here
include 'I', 'you', 'we', 'they', 'here', 'now', 'this', 'that'. They are
all used deictically, that is they point to various contexts of the
utterance. To understand the meaning of a deictic utterance, the listener
has to interpret it from the viewpoint of the speaker.

When Clinton points to 'this, the greatest country in human history', Page
320 Journal of World-Systems Research


the 'this' evokes a national place of belonging, an habitual nation which
will implicitly understand that the 'this' in Clinton's speech refers to the
US (Billig 1995: 107). All Americans will understand the deixis involved,
that the US is 'the greatest country in human history'. In much of the media
there is a very clear deixis. Billig provides many examples of the use of
such rhetorical pointing with regard to the imagined community of the
nation. 'We' typically means not just the speaker and the immediate
listeners but the imagined nation which is the site of routine obligation
and connection (Stevenson 1997: 45).

But what is also important to consider is how, and in what ways, this
deictic pointing occurs not just to the nation, but to wider imagined
communities stretching beyond beyond its borders. Billig cites Mandela who
at one point refers to 'the people of South Africa and the world who are
watching' (1995: 107). The 'we' in his speeches almost always evokes those
beyond South Africa who are watching on the global media and have
collectively participated in the country's rebirth. When Mandela states that
'we are one people' he is pointing both to South Africa and beyond to the
rest of the world. Likewise at Princess Diana's funeral much of the deictic
pointing from the television commentators to the collective 'we', was in
fact to the estimated 2.5 billion people watching the event around the
world.

I now turn briefly to some research on the scale and impact of 'global
images'. What evidence does this provide of what, following Billig, we might
term 'banal globalism'; how through depiction and speaking is the globe
represented? This global representation was researched through a 24-hour
survey of visual images identifiable on a variety of TV channels available
within Britain (see Toogood 1998, for detailed findings).

The following array of such images was found during this period. These
images were deployed both within advertising as well as on regular
programming. Numerous examples of images from the following ten categories
were found over this 24-hour period:

images of the earth, including the mimetic blue earth, but also including a
football as indexical of the globe where soccer is conceived of as the
iconic game of the global citizen
long, often aerial images of generic environments which are taken to depict
the globe (and threats to it) rather than depicting particular nations (a
desert, an ocean, a rainforest)
images of wildlife - especially auractic animals (lions), persecuted species
(seals) and indicator species which index the overall state of the
environment (eagles)
images of the family of man where it appears that people from almost all the
cultures of the globe can all be happily in one place (a sports stadium) or
share one global product (Coke)
images of relatively exotic places and peoples, often taken with unusual
camera perspective, which suggests the endless possibilities of global
mobility, communication and cosmopolitanism (beaches, native dancers, ski
slopes)
images of global players who are famous in and through the world's media and
whose actions (and in cases misdeeds) are endlessly on display to the whole
world (OJ Simpson, Madonna, Queen Elizabeth II)
images of iconic exemplars who, through their setting and costume,
demonstrate global responsibility - they are seen as speaking and acting for
the globe (Mandela, Princess Diana as the 'queen of hearts', Ken Saro-Wiwa)
images of those engaging in actions ultimately on behalf of the global
community, this being represented by a montage of different cultures or
places, or of people encountering the needy, the starving, the sick and so
on (Red Cross, UN Volunteers, Special Constables)
images of corporate actions conducted on behalf of the globe and of its
long-term future (water companies cleaning up the environment, drug
companies spending billions on new medical research)
images of global reportage which is shown to be present, live and staffed by
iconic figures able to speak, comment and interpret the globe (Kate Adie
[BBC], Christiane Amanpour [CNN], John Pilger [ITV])
These examples show that contemporary citizenship is intertwined with
representations of the globe which occur within the contemporary media. I
have already noted that many of these images of the globe, and of those who
speak for the globe, occur within advertisements. Also global networks and
flows involve curious hybrids of the once-separate public and private
spheres. There is thus increasing overlap between the public and private
spheres and therefore between issues of citizenship and the nature of
contemporary consumerism. Page 322 Journal of World-Systems Research


Culture and cultural policies which criss-cross the public and private
spheres are also increasingly central to issues of citizenship (see
Stevenson 1997: 51).

CONCLUSION

Many appeals within the global media are concerned to develop a sense of
planetary responsibility rather than responsibility for particular locales.
This is a relatively new notion and one that appears to distinguish humans
from other species. However, previous citizenships have been based upon
antagonism between those who are inside and those who are outside, upon
identifying the non-citizens, the other, the enemy. We can thus ask whether
a sense of global citizenship is a historically unique notion that is not in
fact based on the contestation between global citizens and others. So
although global citizens are well aware of difference, has a conception of
citizenship developed which does not presume an enemy, an other? Or
alternatively does the lack of an 'enemy' for the global citizen mean that
such a citizenship will never develop on any significant scale - there are
no global citizens because there is nobody to be excluded? Which of these is
the case will have some awesome consequences.

Notes

1.   This paper stems from a research project at Lancaster University on
Global Citizenship and the Environment funded by the UK ESRC (grant no
R000236768). I am grateful to my colleagues, Greg Myers, Bron Szerszynski
and Mark Toogood. I am also very grateful for the comments of Mike Michael,
Eric Darier and Sylvia Walby. (Note Appears on Page 111)

References

Albrow, M. 1996. The Global Age. Cambridge: Polity

Anderson, A. 1997. Media, culture and the Environment. London: UCL Press

Anderson, B. 1989. Imagined Communities. London: Verso

Batty, H. and Gray, T. 1996. 'Environmental rights and national sovereignty'
, in S. Caney, D. George, P. Jones (eds) National Rights, International
Obligations. Colorado: Westview Press

Bauböck, B. 1994. Transnational Citizenship. Aldershot: Edward Elgar

Beck, U. 1992. Risk Society. London: Sage

Bell, D. and Valentine, G. 1997. Consuming Geographies. London: Routledge

Billig, M. 1995. Banal Nationalism. London: Sage

Brubaker, R. 1992. Citizenship and Nationhood in France and Germany.
Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press

Bulmer, M. and Rees, A. (eds) 1996. Citizenship Today. London: UCL Press

Castells, M. 1997. The Power of Identity. Oxford: Blackwell

Garton Ash, T. 1990. We the People. The Revolution of '89 Witnessed in
Warsaw, Budapest, Berlin and Prague. Cambridge: Granta Books Page 323
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Hansen, A. (ed) 1993. The Mass Media and Environmental Issues. Leicester:
Leicester University Press

Held, D. 1995. Democracy and the Global Order. Cambridge: Polity

Held, D., McGrew, A., Goldblatt, D., Perraton, J. 1999. Global
Transformations. Cambridge: Polity

Lash, S. and Urry, J. 1987. The End of Organized Capitalism. Cambridge:
Polity

Lash, S. and Urry, J. 1994. Economies of Signs and Space. London: Sage

Macnaghten, P. and Urry, J. 1998. Contested Natures. London: Sage

Majone, G. (ed) 1996. Regulating Europe. London: Routledge

Marshall, T. and Bottomore, T. 1992. Citizenship and Social Class. London:
Pluto

Meyrowitz, J. 1985. No Sense of Place. New York: Oxford University Press

Murdock, G. 1992. 'Citizens, consumers, and ppublic culture', in M. Shovmand
and K. Shrøder (eds) Media Cultures. London: Routledge, 17- 41

Ohmae, K, 1990. The Borderless World. London: Collins

Pierson, C. 1996. The Modern State. London: Routledge

Richardson, D. 1998. 'Sexuality and citizenship', Sociology, 32: 83-100

Rose, N. 1996. 'Refiguring the territory of government', Economy and
Society, 25: 327-56

Soysal, Y. 1994. Limits of Citizenship. Chicago: University of Chicago Press

Stevenson, N. 1997. 'Globalization, national cultures and cultural
citizenship', The Sociological Quarterly, 38: 41-66

Szerszynski, B. and Toogood, M. 1999. 'Mediating global citizenship', in S.
Allen, B. Adam, C. Carter (eds) The Media Politics of Environmental Risks,
London: UCL Press

Thompson, J. 1997. Scandal and Social Theory. Mimeo, SPS, University of
Cambridge

Toogood, M. 1998. Globcit Image Database: Description and Categorisation of
Images. Mimeo, CSEC, Linguistics, Sociology Depts, Lancaster University

Urry, J. 1990. The Tourist Gaze. London: Sage

Urry, J. 2000. Sociology Beyond Societies. London: Routledge

van Steenbergen, B. 1994. 'Towards a global ecological citizen', in van
Steenbergen (ed) The Condition of Citizenship. London: Sage, 141-52

Yuval-Davis, N. 1997. National Spaces and Collective Identities: Border,
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of Greenwich

Page 324 Journal of World-Systems Research





----- Original Message -----
From: Sarah L. Whitworth <[log in to unmask]>
To: <[log in to unmask]>
Sent: Thursday, March 28, 2002 3:03 AM
Subject: A World without borders


> I am interested in finding am environmental book that articulates some
good
> ethical arguments against nationalism as defined by land borders?

There is one which is out of print. It is was published many years ago.
Check J.S.Woodsworth. It is "Strangers Within Our Midst" or something.
J.S.Wordsworth lived in Manitoba and Saskatchewan, was a Christian Minister
and elected by the Canadian Commonwealth Federation (CCF), the federal
political party which 'forced' the Canadian government to bring in universal
medicare, was instrumental in establishing the pension plan and unemployment
insurance.

What was meant by the 'poor' and what practices were recommended to assist
the poor in the book of Ruth?

"The locus classicus of this practice (leaving sheafs in the field) is the
Book of Ruth. The beneficiary of gleaning is a widowed tribal foreigner who
has been married to an Isrealite. It was probably the original sense of the
statement that she worked without being recognized on the land of her
in-law, the gibbor Boas. Hence, the poor apparently referred to primarily to
the coloni and the farmhands of the patricians." [Max Webber, Ancient
Judaism, p. 47, Free Press, 1967]



>
> The question is inspired by the following comment on the biblical Book of
> Ruth by Alicia Suskin Ostriker:
>
> ""The earth is the Lord's and the fullness thereof; the world and they
that
> dwell therein.' Just as this book teaches that agricultural wealth is
given
> by God and must be shared, it hints at the idea of a world without
borders.
> We are accustomed to encountering sharp tribal and national divisions in
> much of the Bible. In biblical history, as in our own, nation continually
> and tragically lifts up sword against nation. Instead of this, the Book
> of Ruth gives us a peaceful border crossing. There are no battles. That
> fact is remarkable when we recall that the Book of Ruth takes place during
> the period of the Judges, a time of recurrent war and chaos. To the Book
> of Judges the Book of Ruth becomes an antidote."
>
> -- from THE FIVE SCROLLS, Vintage Spiritual Classics, 2000
>
>
> Sarah L. Whitworth
> [log in to unmask]
> http://www.womensearlyart.net