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From: Kip Jones 
Sent: 16 June 2005 13:59
To: 'Tom Wengraf'
Subject: RE: questions of BNIM method


Some thoughts from my thesis on the emailed questions (Jones, K. 2001
Narratives of Identity and the Informal Care Role):
 
The possibility that psychoanalytical 'jargon' and inferences came up
frequently and consistently may be more a result of the history we share (or
for some team members, have become acclimated to) and its popular culture,
than anything about a specific theoretical stance or particular position on
the stories themselves.  The fact that many of these ...stories were
embedded within an emplotment of childhood distress speaks more to the
nature of narrative than to any adherence to strict psychoanalytical
grounding, by either of the groups of people who engaged in the analyses or
this writer.  In fact, the analyses were conducted within the framework of
the psychosocial and are not reducible to simple psychology, but rather
considered as "complex responses to events and people in the social world,
both past and present" (Hollway & Jefferson 2000: 24).  ...

 It helps to recall that the turn to narrative has also included a natural
return to and a revisionist take on the psychoanalytical, its literature and
its narrative approach and this is well reported (see Hollway & Jefferson
2000; McAdams et al 1997, for examples).  Hollway and Jefferson (2000: 78)
reminded us that psychoanalysis is, after all, an art and not a science.
Further, Rustin remarked that psychoanalysis was unusual among the social
sciences "in rejecting the opposition between scientific and imaginative
methods, between typification and the investigation of the particular"
(Rustin in Chamberlayne et al 2000: 37).   Gergen alerted us to the concept
that, in our attempts to generate intelligibility, we must inevitably draw
from preceding traditions.  This is accomplished by integration of preceding
intelligibilities and realignment of existing ones and their practices
(Gergen 2001: 430).  ...

 It comes as no surprise, then, when reading stories about and by people and
with a brief to taking an analytical viewpoint that the language of
psychoanalytical discourse comes to the forefront.  The point to be made
through the analyses presented in this work and their glissements into a
'psycho speak' of a particular variety is that this "integration of
preceding intelligibilities" is accomplished by allowing the investigators
to remain transparent and active participants in the story making.  Not
exercises in truth or falsehood, these investigations were polyvocal
attempts at interfacing with cultural/relational/linguistic accounts of the
real.  They are, therefore, interpretations and not truths in the
positivistic sense.  On the other hand, did we, "in our attempts at some
sort a truth (Verisimo) stumble onto a synthesis after all, a moment of
revelation that truly is wrenched by the individual in his/her self-knowing
and revealed to us" (Jones 2000: [22])?  ...

 A leap to disbelief may ultimately be more problematic than any
overemphasis on a psychological explanation, in whatever theoretical guise,
in this research's conclusions.  The fact that these were the messages that
interview participants wished to convey to another human being speaks to
their natural abilities to communicate within a dialogic world, who they are
and how those messages were received and interpreted.  Conversely, only to
notice what the interviewee is saying, in a way helping them to accentuate
consistency and suppress contradiction in their stories through the
analytical process, would overlook or ignore a lot of the evidence scattered
around in the data -inconsistencies, contradictions, changes of tone and
other textual interruptions (Hollway & Jefferson 2000: 57; Jones 2001).
This is why the reflecting team approach to data analysis is so productive
in bringing to our attention both detail and contradictions-bringing
different points-of-view to the data whilst still allowing the interviewee
his/her voice.

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 The Biographic Narrative Interpretive Method has much to say, in fact,
about the formal interpretive process (see Wengraf 2001; Jones 2004). Still,
it is important to emphasize that interpretation on the part of the
researcher begins early, even within the interview.  During the initial
encounter, the researcher is often making and dealing with subconscious
observations whilst maintaining a position of active listener.  Through the
procedure of note taking in the first subsession of the interview, the
researcher begins a process of interpretation, making choices about which
areas of the story should be explored further in the second subsession.
Subconscious thoughts are brought into the interpretive process through such
note taking; post-interview debriefing (with oneself or others) follows the
interview sessions and is inherently interpretive.  Later, when the
interviewer (preferably) types the transcript of the interview, further
reflection and notation takes place. Further hearings of the tape recorded
interview produce additional insights and interpretations which are diaried
by the researcher as well.   When constructing the Lived Life and selecting
passages of the Told Story for team analysis, again, the interpretative
skills of the researcher come into play.  

 Forthcoming:International Sociological Association Research Committee on
Biography and Society RC38 Newsletter, Summer 2005