Review of a work quite pertinent to the interests of this list...
- Noah
-----Original Message----- From: The Medieval Review
[mailto:[log in to unmask]] On Behalf Of The Medieval
Review Sent: dinsdag 16 oktober 2012 17:04 To: Marianne Subject: TMR
12.10.16
Haskell, Diseases of the Imagination (Archambeau) Haskell, Yasmin, ed.
<i>Diseases of the Imagination and Imaginary Disease in the Early Modern
Period</i>. Series: Early European Research 1200-1650. Turnhout:
Brepols, 2011. Pp. xxvi, 424. EUR. 95. ISBN-13: 9782503527963.
Reviewed by Nicole Archambeau University of California, Santa Barbara
[log in to unmask]
Books of collected essays are at their best when they allow readers to
enter into the conversation of specialists and see how they develop both
broad themes and specific issues. <i>Diseases of the Imagination and
Imaginary Disease in the Early Modern Period</i> brings together
excellent essays on a long list of diseases, including madness,
melancholy, possession, hypochondria, lycanthropy, vampirism, and
fatigue. These are diseases, as the title suggests, of the imagination,
but which also could be dismissed as imaginary. Because of this
diversity, the book has something for those interested in emotion,
magic, witchcraft, and medical practice. And the essays often cross the
boundaries of these topics in useful ways.
What links these diverse diseases in the broadest sense is the
imagination. For the early modern period (as well as much of the
medieval), the imagination was a rational faculty located in the brain
and responsible for making sense of sensory information. This faculty
could become diseased when the bodily organs produced too much mist and
vapor. The obscuring vapor rose to the head and could create the diverse
false imaginings. This simple definition belies the complexity of how
theologians, natural philosophers, physicians, and sufferers used the
imagination to understand behavior and thought, however. The
introductory apparatus (preface, introduction, and envoi--which one can
usefully read before as well as after the essays) starts the
conversation about who defines imagination at various historical moments
and how it appears in diverse genres. The essays then dig deep into
particular sources to look at imagination through the words of healing
practitioners, theologians, su fferers, family, and legal officials from
the fifteenth through the eighteenth centuries.
The preface and envoi place the book squarely in the history of
psychology, though they use different methods. The preface by German
Berrios provides a historical long durée for the concept of imagination,
emphasizing that "its definition was changing all the time" (xix). He
highlights the culturally specific nature of psychology, the fact that
"mental symptoms and disorders are constructs" of their time and place
with little or no "genetic origin" (xxii). For Berrios, therefore, the
collected essays reveal the process of disease creation. They can and
should inform modern psychologists and others about the cultural and
social processes by which healing practitioners, sufferers, and others
create disease, as seen in the ongoing revision of the DSM IV. The envoi
by George Rousseau sketches a quick ethnography of hypochondria and the
<i>malades imaginaires</i> on the cusp of the modern era to highlight
changes in terminology and lived experience. In many ways, this moment
is where disease of the imagination become imaginary disease.
Yasmin Haskell's introduction argues that the book allows the reader to
explore the wide range of "learned and lay discourses, as well as
international, national, local, and personal perspectives" on the
changing ideas about imagination (7). As she points out important themes
that emerge in each essay, two themes emerge as important unifying
threads. First, the essays explore "the nexus between diseases of the
imagination and social and personal morality" (15). This theme helps the
reader follow changing cultural perceptions about links among body,
soul, mind, and spirit. Second, for Haskell, the essays also explore
mechanisms by which imagination can become diseased or deranged,
including the transmission of diseases of the imagination from one
person to another.
Like the authors of the preface and envoi, Haskell remarks on the
surprising robustness of categories like delirium, melancholy, and
madness in their relationship to imagination. And the first three essays
delve directly into changing definitions of imagination and melancholy
in the fifteenth through eighteenth centuries. Guido Guglioni builds on
the work of Michael Allen to argue that Marsilio Ficino, using
neoplatonic ideas of Iamblichus and Plotinus, emphasized spiritual
medicine for physical health because of how the body and soul interact
through <i>imaginatio</i> and <i>phantasia</i>. Guglioni builds a
nuanced structure of terms for imagination and imaginary as they appear
Ficino's work. He emphasizes, as do many authors in this collection, how
changes in terminology reflected theologians' adoption of increasingly
medical views of demonic influence on man.
Angus Gowland's essay explores Renaissance ideas about melancholy,
primarily through discussions of dreaming. He grounds arguments about
dreaming in medieval medicine and argues for a strong continuity of
these ideas into the seventeenth century. His useful and thorough essay
first sets the groundwork for the ways Renaissance scholars brought
together Aristotelian and Galenic ideas about imagination, melancholy,
and dreams. The bulk of the essay then describes how scholars merged a
Christian theological component into the Aristotelian and Galenic
discussion of divinatory dreams. Ideas here were far more heterodox,
including explanatory schema of melancholic imagination that rejected
Aristotelian theory, modified it, or used it novel ways.
Donald Beecher also analyzes a wide array of theological and medical
texts to view changing ideas about the imagination as the entry point of
demonic influence on the body. For Beecher, the distinction between
theology and medicine blurs as theological treatises on heresy,
witchcraft, and possession increasingly incorporated medical views in an
attempt to empiricize the demonic, as he put it. At the same time,
scholars of medicine attempted to assimilate demonic influence (which
could cause both physical disease and delusions) into discourses of
melancholy and mania. Beecher's wide-ranging perspective shows how even
though competing diagnoses of possession, witchcraft, or madness could
require different kinds of healing practitioners with different methods,
the medical emphasis of theological texts and the orthodoxy of medical
practitioners could remove some of the tension.
Word count limitations mean I cannot address all thirteen essays, nor
all of the intriguing themes that develop. One of the most interesting
themes, however, is who gets to decide what a group of symptoms reveals.
Sharon Strocchia's essay explores competing diagnoses of possession and
melancholy from the view of the sufferers and their care-givers--in this
case, sixteenth- and seventeenth-century Italian nuns. She deftly weaves
individual stories to reveal the flexibility of both medicalized
melancholy and demonic possession to describe the emotional struggles of
cloistered nuns, many of whom did not chose the vocation but were placed
in convents by their families. Stroccia highlights the moment of
diagnosis (always difficult between possession and madness) as a place
where nuns and their abbesses actively asserted their authority within
the cloister and against outside authority figures. Strocchia paints a
vivid picture of abbesses and nuns struggling with the gamut of melan
cholic behavior, which could include fever, sadness, and frenzy, trying
to determine if the sufferer needed severe penitence, an exorcist, or
medical care, and attempting to keep the behavior from spreading to
others. At the same time, these women used their suffering and their
ability to identify and treat disease as moments to negotiate with the
world outside the cloister.
Thomas Rütten also looks at this issue of who has the ability and
expertise to understand a sufferer's symptoms. Rütten provides a close
analysis of a medical <i>observatio</i> by the sixteenth-century Dutch
physician, Pieter van Foreest. The highly narrative <i>observatio</i>
concerned two young men--one melancholic in temperament, one melancholic
due to lifestyle. While both men die, the one who developed melancholy
through his lifestyle as an over-studious and underfed student appeared
to commit suicide and was denied Christian burial. Foreest, however,
through both local knowledge and medical training correctly diagnosed
the young man's melancholy, which made him mad in the eyes of the law,
not responsible for his actions, and therefore a candidate for Christian
burial. In the <i>observatio</i>, Foreest emphasizes his knowledge as a
doctor qualifies him to make the proper diagnosis that restores order
and dignity to disordered situation.
Several of the essays locate ideas of diseased imagination firmly in
their historical contexts. Hans de Waardt does this to great effect as
he carefully positions the work of another sixteenth-century physician,
Johan Weir's <i>De ira morbo</i>, as "a medical essay...an ethical
discourse, and...a barely disguised anti-Spanish pamphlet" (273). Like
Foreest, Weir's causes of ire are both internal and external--in a
person's temperament, diet, and behavior. Weir's text posits cures and
remedies through many classical examples of the proper way for a ruler
to live to avoid falling into destructive tyranny brought on by deranged
anger. Analysis of Wier's dedication to Count Hermann of Neuenahr
reveals that Wier wrote in response to Spanish attacks of the 1560s and
1570s, which he described as an epidemic that had caused more
devastation than any other pestilence. And analysis of quotations in the
text show Wier's indebtedness to Sebastian Castellio, a famous
sixteenth-century spokesman for religious tolerance.
Koen Vermeir's lively look at seventeenth- and eighteenth-century
vampire tracts bring the reader into early modern debates between
imagination and imaginary and into different kinds of questions about
magic, witchcraft, demons, and the occult. Vermeir reveals early
attempts to understand the vampire not simply as the disordered
imagination of people who believe in them, but as something that could
exist in nature, explained in part through an alternative metaphysics
inspired by Paracelsus. Vermeir's analysis of Michael Ranft's <i>De
Masticatione mortuorum in tumulis</i> explores an imagination that can
live on after death and can affect other bodies.
One leaves this conversation among experts with the sense that
imagination in the early modern period was not just a flexible catch-
all, but a concept subject to strenuous pressures of co-construction by
diverse scholars and sufferers. Its use in medical, literary, and
chronicle sources reveal the need for a way to understand relationships
between the natural and supernatural, the body and soul, and the living
and the dead. The imagination, when it became diseased or disordered,
could be a path for demons, a producer of vapors, or source of
hysteria--or all three at once.
The Medieval Review https://scholarworks.iu.edu/dspace/handle/2022/3631
|