The Week in Europe
By David Jessop
A few weeks ago a senior Caribbean figure who had served as his nation's
Ambassador in one of the world's major capitals, shared with me a written
reflection on the two and a half years he had spent overseas.
He had set himself, when appointed, a number of objectives. To have his host
nation appoint rapidly a competent ambassador to his country. To have the
head of Government of the country concerned visit his nation. To have his
head of government invited to the nation to which he was accredited. To see
a major item of trade policy passed by that nation's legislature. To
encourage the legislature in the nation concerned to change partially its
immigration legislation. To have his host nation address demand side issues
on narcotics and issues relating to his nation's foreign debt.
However, and perhaps not surprisingly, he soon found that his agenda bore
little resemblance to that of the nation to which he was accredited.
Instead, senior officials there, were more concerned about issues such as
the repatriation of criminals, addressing the difficulties associated with
categorising his nation in regional summits, and an annual litany of
pronouncements on human rights, drugs and intellectual copyright
infringements. He also found little interest in his nation amongst its
elected representatives.
In all of this, his experience was probably little different to that of
other Caribbean diplomats in major capitals. But faced with such
disinterest, my friend the Ambassador concluded that there had to be other
ways to proceed.
He found that the military in the country concerned were more interested and
sympathetic to his concerns than Government as they had no desire to have to
remedy militarily their own administration's mistakes or have to act under
obscure rules of engagement. Enterprisingly, he discovered that cultural
assets like the possibility of making use of resident or visiting sportsmen
and cigar and rum evenings attracted the powerful and famous who were
unlikely to be seen at even the most prestigious embassy gatherings. He made
use happily of lobbyists, recognising that many matters have become so
complex that specialists are needed to inform ambassadors and Governments.
He gave up playing to the issues or the timetables determined by his host
nation. He built a strong and politically influential lobby of nationals,
believing that more could be achieved through the recognition that all
politics is local and that nationals who vote can change foreign relations.
Above all he recognised that the higher up that decisions were taken, the
more politics would devour the technicalities. As a result he determined to
leave discussions with middle ranking officials to his aides.
As a result by the end of his term as Ambassador he had placed his nation
firmly on the map and ensured that its interests were not ignored.
Not all diplomats are so able. Caribbean Ambassadors and High Commissioners
come and go. Some make a mark, others disappear without trace. In the end
most can only ever be as good as the Prime ministers, ministers and senior
officials they report to and work with. Whether they are political
appointees or career diplomats their real success can usually be measured by
the their level of access in their host country and the exchange of accurate
and timely information with their capital.
Caribbean Ambassadors are expected to represent their Government's views on
a vast range of issues, often with very little in the way of technical
support staff. Most in Europe are expected to cover more than one country.
Thus it is not uncommon for an Ambassador or High Commissioner assigned to
London or Brussels to also be the non-resident Ambassador to five or more
additional European Union nations.
But should there not now be a need for a clearer definition of the role that
Ambassadors are expected to play? In a world in which much of the Caribbean
has a greater interest in foreign trade policy does a traditional approach
any longer have validity? Border disputes, the US/Cuba stand-off and drugs
aside, the most potent external threats to the region are now economic and
come from friendly nations. They revolve around highly technical issues at
the World Trade Organisation and in Washington and Brussels. In the last
five years almost all of the most serious threats to the region have been
the result of initiatives aimed at dismantling existing trade arrangements
or the unilateral introduction of measures that threaten the industries that
provide stability in the region. In almost all cases the Caribbean has been
reactive rather than proactive.
In the 1960s and 1970s Caribbean Governments inherited or created foreign
ministries and foreign services which mirrored in their objectives those of
their counterparts in the decolonising powers. The cold war was at its
height and there was a real need to defend sovereignty and maintain
political alliances.
But today the balance of power has changed. The times when Caribbean
Governments need to play a role on the international political stage are
limited. A Foreign Trade Ministry with an effective negotiating minister
supported by a strong support team and good intelligence is likely to have
greater immediate impact on the fortunes of a nation or a region. Nations
such as Mauritius or Cuba that have clearly delineated foreign trade policy
from foreign policy have been able to achieve remarkable gains.
This is not to say that there is no longer a need for Foreign ministries or
diplomats but to suggest that consideration should be given to reorienting
the traditional approach in order to create a new balance between foreign
trade policy and foreign policy.
Such an approach will most probably require new skills and training and the
recruitment of specialists rather than generalists. It suggests that there
should be a new breed of Ambassador perhaps drawn from the ranks of senior
businessmen who fully understand the impact on commerce of trade
negotiations. Properly paid with suitable back up and information flows,
such appointments should not be seen as a sinecure but as an investment.
By coincidence a surprisingly large number of Caribbean Ambassadorial and
High Commissioner posts in Europe are vacant or about to be vacated.
Government and the private sector have an unique opportunity to think hard
about breaking the mould of their diplomatic representation.
David Jessop is the Executive Director of the Caribbean Council for Europe
and can be contacted at [log in to unmask]
September 8th, 2000
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