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I too find Gurevitch's essay on the Divine Comedy before Dante to be very
intelligent.  But I am not so sure that the distinction "official=Church"
vs. "unofficial=popular" works all that well to describe the circulation and
impact of visions and other lurid depictions of hell and purgatory.  Rather, my
impression is that the "officials" of the Church used such material in a
variety of ways in communicating not just with the unwashed rabble, but also
with the nobility and even the members of the Church.  From Hincmar to
Richard of St. Vannes, visions of hell and purgatory played a key *rhetorical*
role in urging monastic reform, both in communicating with the princes who
patronized monasteries and with the errant monks themselves.  Similarly,
apocyphal matter on heaven/hell figured in officials' pastoral communications
with the laity; by way of example, the Carta Dominica (n.b., a variant
which probably drew on the vision reported by Richard of St. Vannes
mentioned just above, which itself draws on an odd variant of the Visio
Pauli) played a key rhetorical role in urging the adoption of a particularly
spiritualized variant of the Peace of God toward 1033/34 in Picardy.  Is it
possible that such matter on hell and purgatory comprised part of the
evangelical, catechetical and rhetorical "tool kits" of the "officials", such
as bishops and reforming abbots, in the central M.A.?  If so, then we may have
an interesting problem to work out in regards to the articulation of such
beliefs with doctrine, at least in the minds of the "officials" who made up the
"official" Church: what did they know, what did they believe, what did they
teach, what did they preach?  Indeed, the vision texts with which I am most
familiar don't treat the lurid accounts of otherworld punishment and
refreshment as a matter of vulgar superstition, but rather as one of powerful
revelation.

Dave Van Meter



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