medieval-religion: Scholarly discussions of medieval religion and culture
This is later than the 13th C, but he lure of sermons should be considered as a recruitment tool too.  William Davies in The Pilgrimage of the Tiber: From its Mouth to its Source (1873, pp. 285-286; free at Google Books) gives this account of the effect of Franciscan preaching. It’s from the diary/chronicle (I’m not quite clear about his reference) of the Perugian Antonio dei Guarneglie (though attributed to Pietro Angelo di Giovani). 
The 22-year-old Friar Robert de Leccie arrived in Perugia in 1448 to preach Lenten sermons. He pulled out all stops on Good Friday with props: A young barber, Eliseo de Cristofano, came out “in the likeness of Christ, naked, with the cross on his shoulder, the crown of thorns on his head, and his body appearing all beaten and scourged, as Christ was beaten.” Armed soldiers escorted him onto the stage where “they were met by one in the character of the Virgin Mary, dressed all in black, weeping piteously, in the manner of the passion of Jesus Christ.” Then a cross was raised and a figure of Jesus was put on it, which made the crowd weep. The rest of the crucifixion was played out with Mary, St. John, and Mary Salome, Nicodemus, and Joseph of Arimathea.  “And many said that there was never in Perugia so great and pious devotion as this. And that morning there were six persons made friars: one was the above-mentioned Eliseo, a foolish youth . . . . Many others had also previously taken upon them the monkish garb by reason of the preaching of the said Friar Robert." 
There’s a punchline: “"At the end of three or four months the said Eliseo di Cristofano of the Porta St. Agnolo came out of the monastery and returned to his business of barber, and was afterwards called by the name of Domenedio (LordGod), and then he took a wife and became a greater ribald than he was before."

The Dominican Fra Serafino Razzi wrote a recruitment lyrics to an anonymous song (in his Libro primo delle laudi spirituali, Venice, 1563) called Torna, torna” that the music group Pifaro recorded. It’s pretty much “Christian rock.”  (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5iSVd7yFkF8)

Turn, turn back cold heart
Return therefore to my Jesus,
I leave you, o blind world,
You will not do for me.
Black and white I’ll make my mantle,
so that I may please you, my Jesus.
I leave you, o dear mother, we must part. 
Good bye father, good bye brothers, pray for me, 
Pray for me sisters, pray for me.

​(​
Torna, torna at freddo cuore,
onde partito se, Giesù mio, onde partito se. 
Io ti lasso o cieco mondo,
tu non fai per me.
Bianco e nero farà il mio manto, poi che 
piace a te, Giesù mio, poi che piace a te. 
Io te lasso, o caro madre, mi parto da te. 
A Dio padre, a Dio fratelli, pregate per me, 
pregate per me voi sorelle, pregate per me.
​)​


On Mon, May 28, 2018 at 7:57 AM, Stephen Williams <[log in to unmask]> wrote:
medieval-religion: Scholarly discussions of medieval religion and culture

Dear Paul,

Good to follow this exchange. Motive is not easy to attribute, of course. But I would say the attraction of the Franciscans, when they were new in Oxford, is illustrated in the Dunstable Annals, by a story of two Augustinian canons who were so enamoured with the idea of joining the new movement that they left the priory by a broken window, jumped over the wall, and enlisted at Oxford. The Dunstable Annals entry for 1233-1234 reads:

In the same year two canons of Dunstable, Walter who had taken his vows and John who hadn’t, without permission departed from the priory by escaping through a broken window and jumping over the monastery wall. They took the habit of the Franciscans at Oxford. The prior of Dunstable had them denounced as being excommunicated both at Oxford and elsewhere. Because of this Walter, bringing three of the Franciscans with him, came back to Dunstable and humbly begged the chapter for pardon. He swore that he would obey the commands of the prior in everything, as his order demanded. And so he was absolved on the order of the prior after receiving the discipline of corporal punishment from three canons, and afterwards vocal admonishment from the whole community. Finally he was instructed first to return the books and clothes which he had taken away with him, and then within a year to decide whether to stay with the Franciscans, if their order was stricter than ours, or to return to our order, where he could count on a gracious reception. John however was found by the prior in London and received a similar absolution. With brother Nicholas he went to Rome, taking with him Henry Archer. In this year Richard Falco converted to the same order.

I have given the paragraph in full because the translation is that of David Preest, not yet published, but due this coming November.

Steve Williams.

 

 

From: medieval-religion - Scholarly discussions of medieval religious culture [mailto:MEDIEVAL-RELIGION@JISCMAIL.AC.UK] On Behalf Of Paul Chandler
Sent: 28 May 2018 04:18
To: [log in to unmask]UK
Subject: Re: [M-R] Recruitment to friars in 13th century

 

medieval-religion: Scholarly discussions of medieval religion and culture

Thank you, Steve. Most helpful. -- Paul

 

On 28 May 2018 at 08:18, steve watts <[log in to unmask]> wrote:

medieval-religion: Scholarly discussions of medieval religion and culture

Dear Paul,

 

To follow Tom on the OP: Jordan's Libellus and the mid-13th cent Vitas Fratrum both contain a number of conversion accounts, which give a sense of motivation. Fr Tugwell is indeed helpful in pointing your attentions to Reginald, but Jordan––who has letters, sermons, a commentary, and the aforementioned Libellus to his name––is a better resource.

 

In the spirit of sending along one's own publications on the subject, I've written a little on the significance of the Libellus and the 'ideals' of the early preachers in Steven Watts, 'Diabolical Doubt: 'Diabolical Doubt: The Peculiar Account of Brother Bernard's Demonic Possession in Jordan of Saxony's Libellus', in The Church and Doubt, eds. F. Andrews, C. Methuen, and A. Spicer, Studies in Church History 52 (Cambridge, 2016), 102-117 and early Dominican identity in ‘Dominic of Caleruega (d. 1221), Jordan of Saxony (d. 1237): The Formation of Dominican identity', in Sources of the Christian Self: A Cultural History of Christian Identity, eds. J. Houston and J. Zimmerman (Grand Rapids, 2018), 280-296.

 

It is worth noting that the level of competition between the mendicant orders and even between the Cistercians and Dominicans in the early-going indicates that the orders, at least, recognised a commonality amongst prospective entrants. Jordan for his part, seems to have thought that Haymo of Faversham and his fellow English masters were as much 'use' as Friars Minor as Friars Preacher to the general wellbeing of the Church.

 

Steve.

 

 

 

 

On Sun, May 27, 2018 at 9:50 AM, Paul Chandler <[log in to unmask]com> wrote:

medieval-religion: Scholarly discussions of medieval religion and culture

Tom, thank you very much for the reference to Reginald and your article. It's most helpful.

 

I know Frances Andrews' excellent book but it doesn't quite address the question I have. She does show well what a turbulent state the "Augustinians" were in as a consequence of papal intervention to create this new order, with the constituent groups joining, withdrawing, fragmenting, arguing over rules, etc. What drew recruits into such uncertain futures, especially in view of the long-term hostilities which would eventually lead to the suppressions at Lyons II in 1274? -- Paul

 

On 27 May 2018 at 20:42, Thomas Izbicki <[log in to unmask]edu> wrote:

medieval-religion: Scholarly discussions of medieval religion and culture

Paul,

Simon Tugwell put me on to the role of Reginald of Orleans in recruiting to the Dominicans. Jordan of Saxony and Moneta of Cremona were among his recruits.  I cite much of the literature about Reginald in:

“The Vision of Reginald of Orléans and the Shaping of Dominican Identity,” Memorie Domenicane 87 (2017); 339-359.

The early history of the Augustinians was complex with Alexander IV putting together a group of small communities.

See Frances Andrews, The Other Friars.

Tom Izbicki


From: medieval-religion - Scholarly discussions of medieval religious culture <[log in to unmask]AC.UK> on behalf of Paul Chandler <[log in to unmask]COM>
Sent: Sunday, May 27, 2018 5:07:00 AM
To: [log in to unmask]UK
Subject: [M-R] Recruitment to friars in 13th century

 

medieval-religion: Scholarly discussions of medieval religion and culture

Dear Colleagues

 

Does anyone know of specific literature about motives for joining religious life in the 13th century, as there is, for example, about the motives for crusading? I'm hoping for something more specific than "conversion". Why choose one of the burgeoning number of religious orders rather than another?

 

The Franciscans were booming, with their charismatic and already sainted founder and a radical evangelical way of life, so that attraction is obvious enough. The Dominicans, too, though Dominic himself seems to have been less of a draw card than -- what? their well-organised way of life, the allure of education, nothing succeeding like success, the attraction of the preaching ideal? The attractiveness of these orders is attested not only by their rapid expansion but also by donations and the rush of guilds and so on to associate themselves with their churches, but this does not happen with the Carmelites (and Augustinians) until after 1350 when they finally start attracting more money and patronage than the larger orders (Hervé Martin's book Les ordres mendiants en Bretagne (vers 1230-vers 1530) (1975) is very interesting here.

 

But the 13th-century Carmelites, for example? How did they attract sufficient candidates to keep expanding internationally at a fairly rapid pace? The young order, like the Augustinian Friars, must have been racked by tensions as it transitioned from a rural eremitical life to an urban mendicant one, their dress was outlandish (they had to petition the pope to change it in 1287), their future was uncertain, there were no big names, they offered few educational opportunities for ambitious young men (they did not enter the universities until the end of the century). One has to wonder how much preaching they actually did, given their lack of qualification and the almost total lack of evidence they have left behind (there are next to no preaching manuscripts by Carmelites even from the 14th century, and virtually no writings at all from the 13th). Their friaries were nearly all on the wrong side of the tracks. It's unclear whether their substitution of their traditions about Elijah and Mary in place of the usual narrative of a charismatic founder would have functioned as a benefit or a liability.


How did they, and the other smaller orders -- many of them doomed to extinction -- recruit somewhat substantial numbers of candidates? And what would have motivated them to join?

 

I would be most grateful if anyone could point me to any discussion of these or related themes in the literature. -- Paul

 

--

Paul Chandler, O.Carm.
Holy Spirit Seminary  |  PO Box 18 (487 Earnshaw Road)  |  Banyo Qld 4014  |  Australia
office: (07) 3267 4804  |  mobile: 044 882 4996
[log in to unmask]com 

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--

Paul Chandler, O.Carm.
Holy Spirit Seminary  |  PO Box 18 (487 Earnshaw Road)  |  Banyo Qld 4014  |  Australia
office: (07) 3267 4804  |  mobile: 044 882 4996
[log in to unmask]com 

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--

Steven Watts, Ph.D.
Mellon Post-Doctoral Fellow at the Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies

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--

Paul Chandler, O.Carm.
Holy Spirit Seminary  |  PO Box 18 (487 Earnshaw Road)  |  Banyo Qld 4014  |  Australia
office: (07) 3267 4804  |  mobile: 044 882 4996
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--
John Shinners 
Professor, Schlesinger Chair in Humanistic Studies Emeritus 
Saint Mary's College 
Notre Dame, Indiana 46556 
Phone: 574-284-4534 
Fax: 284-4855 
www.saintmarys.edu/~hust 

"Learn everything. Later you will see that nothing is superfluous." -- Hugh of St. Victor (d. 1141)
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