Subject: | Open Letter to the International Academic Community on the Crisis in Brazil |
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Date: | Fri, 25 Mar 2016 06:57:52 -0300 |
From: | Rebecca Abers <[log in to unmask]> |
To: | Rebecca Neaera Abers <[log in to unmask]> |
Open Letter to the
International Academic Community
We, professors and
researchers from Brazilian
universities, hereby address the International
Academic Community to report
serious breaches in the rule of law currently taking
place in Brazil.
After
a
long history of coups and a violent military
dictatorship, our country has
enjoyed its longest period of democratic stability
since the 1988 Constitution
established a number of individual and civil rights.
Despite
progress
in recent years with respect to social policy, Brazil
remains a deeply
unequal country with a political system marked by high
levels of patronage and
corruption. The influence of big business in the
electoral process through private
campaign financing has led to consecutive corruption
scandals involving politicians
from all sides.
In
recent
years, a national outcry against corruption has
increasingly dominated
public opinion. Public accountability and law
enforcement agencies have
responded by intensifying anti-corruption efforts,
targeting major companies
and political elites.
Unfortunately,
this
laudable process has been used to destabilize a
democratically elected
government, resulting in an exacerbation of the
current economic and political
crisis in our country. The
same judiciary
that should protect the political and legal integrity
of our country has become
an epicenter of this process.
The
main
anti-corruption investigation, the “Operação Lava
Jato” (Operation Car
Wash), is headed by a lower level federal judge,
Sérgio Moro, who has systematically
utilized procedures that Brazilian legislation clearly
defines as exceptional,
such as pre-trial detention and coercive
transportation of witnesses for
depositions. Arbitrary detentions have been openly
justified as a method to
pressure the accused into accepting plea bargains in
which they denounce
alleged accomplices. Information about the cases has
been regularly and
selectively leaked to the media. Indeed, evidence
suggests that the press has
received prior information about important police
operations so as to mobilize
public opinion against the accused. Even the nation’s
President was targeted by
an illegal wiretap. The above-named judge subsequently
handed over excerpts of both
legal and illegal wiretaps to the press for public
disclosure, even when they involved
private discussions with no relevance to the
investigation. The purpose was
clearly to embarrass specific politicians.
Complaints
against
leaders of political parties in the opposition have
been disregarded
and silenced by the mainstream press. At the same
time, although the “Operação
Lava Jato” has has yet to accuse President Dilma
Roussef, the
corruption investigations have been used
to support impeachment proceedings in the House of
Representatives, led by Speaker
Eduardo Cunha, an opposition congressmen. Cunha,
however, is accused of
corruption and is being investigated by Ethics
Committee of the same House
When
the
actions of public authorities begin to challenge basic
legal rights such as
the presumption of innocence, equal protection, and
due process, we must
exercise caution. When noble ends seem to justify
procedural breaches, the
danger is enormous.
Sérgio Moro does not have the
necessary exemption and
impartiality to head the current investigations. The
fight against corruption must
be conducted within strict legal boundaries that
respect the fundamental rights
of defendants.
Segments
of
the judiciary involved in this process have worked in
close in alliance with
the mainstream media, that has been historically
aligned with Brazil’s political
oligarchy. In particular, the country’s largest
television station, the Globo
Television Network, openly supported the military
dictatorship (1964-1985).
We
fear
that the breakdown of the rule of law underway is a
threat to Brazilian
democracy that may lead to grave and even violent
social polarization. For
these reasons, we ask our colleagues
abroad for solidarity and support in the defense of
legality and of Brazil’s democratic
institutions.