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David McDaid wrote:
>  
>
> ------------------------------------------------------------------------
> *From:* Equity, Health & Human Development 
> [mailto:[log in to unmask]] *On Behalf Of *Ruggiero, Mrs. Ana 
> Lucia (WDC)
> *Subject:* [EQ] The Nordic Experience: Welfare States and Public Health
>
> *The Nordic Experience: Welfare States and Public Health*
>
> */
> /**Olle Lundberg, Monica Åberg Yngwe, Maria Kölegård Stjärne, Lisa 
> Björk, Johan Fritzell*
>
> */ /*
>
> *Health Equity Studies No 12 - August 2008*
>
> *Centre for Health Equity Studies (CHESS) Stockholm 
> University/Karolinska Institutet *
>
> * *
>
> Available online as PDF file [229p.] at: 
> http://www.chess.su.se/content/1/c6/04/65/23/NEWS_Rapport_080819.pdf
>
>  
>
>  
>
> ".....Although diseases and their consequences in terms of suffering, 
> reduced function and premature mortality are biological events taking 
> place in human
>
> organs, their ultimate causes are often social rather than biological 
> in nature.
>
>
> The social aspects of disease and mortality are particularly central 
> when we discuss ways to improve the health of nations and populations. 
> Biological disease processes are clearly important, but the 
> distribution of health risks, including biological ones such as 
> exposure to certain bacteria, is usually socially determined. 
> Prevention, therefore, is largely an issue of social rather than 
> biological change. This is also true for the treatment of disease as 
> long as the availability of medical care and proper medication are not 
> distributed on the basis of need only.
>
>
> Hence, the /social distribution /of determinants of health is central 
> to the improvement of public health, both inside and between 
> countries. For example, the consequences of HIV for the human immune 
> system are certainly the result of biological processes, while the 
> AIDS epidemic is very much a consequence of poverty, poor education 
> and unequal power relations between men and women.
>
>  
>
> The same could be said for TB and other contagious diseases throughout 
> history; improving people's social conditions through schooling, 
> poverty reduction and better housing, are important means for 
> combating disease. Needless to say, medical interventions such as 
> immunisation and treatment are also important, but there is a social 
> dimension to these services too. While the examples above refer to 
> infectious diseases, there is a social distribution of determinants 
> also for chronic diseases, and this is true for rich and poor 
> countries alike.
>
>
> Over the past century, social developments have brought about massive 
> improvements in economic, social and political conditions for most 
> people in many countries. The 'state' has been transformed into the 
> 'welfare state', and 'citizenship' into 'social citizenship' (see 
> Marshall, 1950), at least in the West. However, while many countries 
> have become richer and implemented social and political reforms, there 
> are clear differences in the way they have designed their welfare 
> state institutions.
>
>  
>
> These differences tend to be characterised according to the differing 
> relative importance of the market, the state and the family for the 
> provision of protection and services. In other words, the main 
> responsibility for common problems faced by most individuals in all 
> societies, such as care of small children and of the old, health care, 
> schooling, and economic security for the sick, the unemployed and the 
> old, can be given primarily to the individual through the market, or 
> to the family, or to the state.
>
>  
>
> The Nordic countries are usually seen as a specific type of welfare 
> state in which the state has assumed a greater than usual 
> responsibility for social protection and care services. The Nordic 
> welfare states have also been regarded as consciously promoting class 
> and gender equality, high labour market participation, low poverty 
> rates and a high degree of social participation.
>
>  
>
> How might the Nordic experience of social development through active 
> policy-making be of relevance for the WHO and its Commission on Social 
> Determinants of Health? There are at least two points we wish to 
> highlight here. *Firstly*, the growth of the welfare state in the 
> Nordic countries has been accompanied by considerable improvements in 
> public health. Several of the Nordic countries were world leaders in 
> life expectancy and infant mortality throughout the 20th century.
>
> *Secondly,* the Nordic welfare state model has had the explicit goal 
> of strengthening and expanding the resources available to its citizens 
> through welfare state institutions. Rather than being solely dependent 
> on the resources generated by the market or within the family, Nordic 
> citizens have in addition been able to draw on resources provided by 
> the welfare state. Thus, the economic consequences of reduced working 
> ability due to sickness or old age have been cushioned, the 
> professionalization of care for children and the old has relieved 
> families of care burdens, and public day-care and public schooling of 
> high quality for all children has evened out differences in life chances.
>
>  
>
> Although many of these social policies were implemented to achieve a 
> better society for the majority of citizens rather than primarily to 
> improve public health, they seem incidentally to have targeted factors 
> that constitute the core social determinants of health. But while an 
> association between social policies and public health seems highly 
> plausible there is a need for more systematic evidence on the issue. 
> In this report we will therefore make a first attempt to provide 
> analyses of the extent to which the Nordic welfare state model has 
> actually contributed to improved public health, and we will do so on 
> basis of new as well as existing research from a variety of 
> disciplines....."
>
>  
>
> *Content:*
>
> Foreword
>
> *I. INTRODUCTION*
>
> 1.1 Why is the Nordic Experience interesting?
>
> 1.2 The analytical framework
>
> 1.2.1 Welfare state institutions and public health outcomes -- a 
> general model
>
> 1.2.2 Comparisons across time and space -- country clusters and 
> institutional variability
>
> 1.3 The report -- what it is and what it is not
>
> 1.3.1 Delimitations and choices
>
> 1.3.2 Structure of the report
>
> *II. NORDIC COUNTRIES: SOCIETIES AND WELFARE *
>
> 2.1 The Nordic countries, past and present
>
> 2.2 Characteristics of the Nordic model
>
> 2.2.1 The Nordic model and welfare state typologies
>
> 2.3 Welfare regimes or institutional characteristics?
>
> 2.4 Education, equality and stratification
>
> *III. HEALTH AND HEALTH INEQUALITIES: THE NORDIC COUNTRIES IN A 
> COMPARATIVE PERSPECTIVE *
>
> 3.1 Levels and trends in life expectancy and mortality
>
> 3.1.1 Development of life expectancy and mortality in the Nordic 
> countries during the 20th century
>
> 3.1.2 Mortality and life expectancy: the Nordic countries compared to 
> other high income countries
>
> 3.2 The size of and trends in mortality variations across countries
>
> 3.2.1 Variability in the age of death -- the individual level
>
> 3.2.2 Social inequalities in mortality
>
> 3.3 Mortality in Nordic countries -- Concluding discussion
>
>  
>
> *IV. GENERAL POLICY FEATURES AND PUBLIC HEALTH*
>
> 4.1 Poverty, income redistribution and health
>
> 4.1.1 Poverty risks and poverty alleviation
>
> 4.1.2 Income redistribution and health
>
> 4.1.3 Income and health -- evidence and explanations for the 
> individual level relationship
>
> 4.1.4 Income inequality and health
>
> 4.1.5 Poverty, income redistribution and health -- summing up the 
> discussion
>
> 4.2 Welfare state development and life expectancy
>
> 4.2.1 GDP and life expectancy
>
> 4.2.2 Age of the social insurance system and life expectancy
>
> 4.2.3 Social spending and life expectancy
>
> 4.2.4 Social rights and life expectancy
>
> 4.2.5 Pooled cross-sectional time-series analysis
>
> *V. POLICY AREAS *
>
> 5.1 Family and Children
>
> 5.1.1 From population policy to family policy institutions -- the 
> historical background
>
> 5.1.2 Stockholm at the turn of the 19th century -- a case study of 
> infant vulnerability in an urban context
>
> 5.1.3 Modern family policy in a comparative perspective
>
> 5.1.4 The impact of family policy institutions on infant mortality -- 
> comparative analyses of 18 OECD countries
>
> 5.1.5 Family policy institutions, labour force participation and 
> health among women -- cross sectional comparisons of 18 OECD countries
>
> 5.2 Nordic alcohol policies and the welfare state
>
> 5.2.1 Two centuries of waves of alcohol consumption: serious problems 
> and strong responses
>
> 5.2.2 Social class and the old Nordic alcohol control systems
>
> 5.2.3 Nordic alcohol controls in recent decades: The total consumption 
> model
>
> 5.2.4 Nordic alcohol policies today, in a broad perspective
>
> 5.3 Health care and dental care systems
>
> 5.3.1 The Nordic experience of dental care and dental health
>
> 5.4 Pension systems and health of elderly people
>
> 5.4.1 Pension rights and their potential importance for health
>
> 5.4.2 Public pensions and old-age mortality
>
> 5.4.3 Public pensions and ill-health among retired persons
>
> *VI. LESSONS LEARNED*
>
> 6.1. Welfare policy and health development -- summarizing findings 
> with the help of a conceptual framework
>
> 6.1.1 Social determinants and consequences of ill-health - a chronic 
> issue in welfare policies
>
> 6.1.2 Policy entry points illustrated by examples of Nordic social and 
> health policy.
>
> 6.2 Applicability
>
> 6.2.1 Applicability, development and type of relevance
>
> 6.2.2 Applicability and relevance of specific analyses and results
>
> 6.3 Conclusion and general observations
>
> 6.3.1 Policy foundations -- the importance of data and monitoring
>
> 6.3.2 Policy content -- important general features
>
> 6.3.3 Policy implementation -- how to make it happen
>
> 6.3.4 Policy evaluation -- what is good and what is not
>
> 6.3.5 General observations and final remarks
>
>
> Appendix 1
>
> Appendix 2
>
> Appendix 3
>
> REFERENCES
>
>  
>
> *Core team of researchers at CHESS*: Professor Olle Lundberg, 
> Professor Johan Fritzell, PhD Monica Åberg Yngwe, PhD Maria Kölegård 
> Stjärne and MSc Lisa Björk.
>
> *A Nordic group of experts*: Professor Espen Dahl, Oslo University 
> College, Professor Finn Diderichsen, Social Medicine, University of 
> Copenhagen, Professor Jon Ivar Elstad, NOVA, Oslo, PhD Hólmfriður 
> Kolbrún Gunnarsdóttir, Research Center for Occupational Health & 
> Working Life, Reykjavik, PhD Mikko Kautto, The National Research and 
> Development Centre for Welfare and Health (STAKES), Helsinki/ Centre 
> for Pensions, Helsinki, Professor Olli Kangas, Institute for Social 
> Research, Copenhagen and KELA, Helsinki, Professor Eero Lahelma, Dept 
> of Public Health, University
>
>  
>
>  
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>  
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>  
>
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>
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-- 
**************************************************************************** 
Dr Alex Scott-Samuel 
EQUAL (Equity in Health Research and Development Unit) 
Division of Public Health 
University of Liverpool 
Whelan Building 
Quadrangle 
Liverpool 
L69 3GB
UK

Tel  (+44)151-794-5569 
Fax  (+44)151-794-5588 

http://pcwww.liv.ac.uk/~alexss 
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