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In the interest of trying to stimulate a bit of discussion on the list, I've
decided to reply to Alex's message from my perspective as an observer at the HEN
inaugural meeting last March. The other core organisers of HEN and myself are
keen for the mailbase list to serve as a forum for constructive discussion, but
we realise that some of you might not want to receive these messages. Perhaps if
you have feelings one way or the other you could send your comments directly to
me and to David McDaid ([log in to unmask]).

A lot of you were not at the inaugural meeting, but, in short, it was pretty
lively, and there were plenty of dichotomies going on. One of the problems that
we'll overcome in time was that there was quite a lot of misunderstanding of
what other people in different disciplines do. I think Alex in his message is
saying that there are those who want to study inequalities but not politicise
them, and those who want to study and politicise them.

Just speaking for the moment from my own perspective as an economist, I know
there are a lot of economists who are genuinely passionate about reducing health
inequalities both within countries and between them. But before making
recommendations on how we might tackle the health inequalities, I think most
economists would want to see good evidence that a particular programme does in
fact benefit those in relatively poor health more than those in relatively
better health (and therefore reduce inequality). For example, if we take smoking
cessation policies, when introduced generally, does the prevalence of smoking go
down more in social classes IV and V than in social classes I and II. The
historical evidence suggests the opposite might happen, which implies a widening
of health inequality. So what else do we have to do to reduce smoking amongst
the lower social classes, and how much would it cost to do it? Would it
represent a worthwhile use of resources compared to other things that we might
do, given that we can't do everything with the resources that we have available?

The Acheson Report recommended smoking cessation policies, some of which have
already been put into practice. Ideally, given what I said above, many
economists would probably want to see more evidence that these measures are
likely to reduce health inequalities before they are put into practice (assuming
for the moment that we are only interested in reducing health inequality - i.e.
smoking cessation policies are probably useful for improving general population
health). Some may argue that by the time we have collected all appropriate
evidence, the issue of health inequality may be off the political agenda, and
nothing would ever be implemented. So what should we do?

I don't really think I've addressed Alex's points very well, but rather raised
some different ones. But I think there may be a third group of people in
addition to the two Alex mentioned: a group that believes in reducing health
inequality but wants to make sure that they have very good evidence that a
programme will reduce health inequality before recommended it for policy.

b/w

Adam

Adam Oliver
OHE




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