Below is a response by my colleague, Matt Sparke, to the Thomas
Freidman column in the NYTimes last week (called "Senseless in
Seattle"). Thought it might interest readers, so I asked him if I could
forward it to you (he said yes!)...
>
> Making Democratic Sense of the Battle in Seattle
>
> Matthew Sparke
>
> Sleepless in Seattle? Certainly. But senseless? No. Sleepless probably
> are the hundreds of protesters now locked-up. Sleepless too, one hopes,
> are the Mayor and Police Chief as they ponder the results of their move
> from strained but well-intentioned attempts at protecting civil rights on
> the opening day of the world trade meetings to the draconian
> implementation of martial law for the rest of the week. However, to think
> that the protests against the WTO are senseless is mistaken. To assert
> this is also to deny an opportunity for democratic debate and development.
> The small group of twenty or so anarchic adolescents who did the worst of
> the property damage downtown and stole the headlines from the over seventy
> thousand peaceful protesters were definitely senseless. But their actions,
> and the police-state retaliations, should not be allowed to foreclose
> debate about how to make sense of what has happened in Seattle.
> In particular the substance of the criticisms of the WTO should
> not be ignored. Perhaps from a distance these criticisms seem like so
> much Buchananite paranoia about the WTO as some kind of global Big
> Brother. But on the ground, at the teach-ins that preceded the trade
> conference and in the march organized by the AFL-CIO and joined by
> numerous environmentalist and international groups, a far different set of
> messages were being articulated. These were messages which in one way or
> another recognized that the WTO is the tip of the iceberg of
> globalization. Chauvinist angst about national sovereignty was not what
> people around me were talking about as they marched. Instead, in a range
> of different languages and vernaculars, the question of the day came down
> to the dangers of laissez-faire economic globalization run amok: the
> downward harmonization of environmental standards and wages, the
> straight-jacketing of democratic governance, and, most of all, the
> wholesale reduction and re-coding of nearly all aspects of life on earth
> to the language and logic of the global market.
> These are all legitimate criticisms and they are not naively
> focused on the WTO as a small institution of just five-hundred people in
> Geneva. The problem is much more about the ways in which the legal
> protocols of the WTO provide an institutional mechanism through which what
> Adam Smith once called the invisible hand of the market can crystallize
> out in a series of judgements that represent the invisible hand-cuffing of
> democracy. When Europeans express scientifically sound concerns about
> hormone fed beef, and yet the WTO panels still rule that they have to
> consume it, that is anti-democratic. When the US EPA is forced by the WTO
> to re-write US clean air laws to accommodate the importation of dirty
> gasoline, that too is anti-democratic. And when South
> Africa and Thailand are both forced to give-up the planned production of
> cheap generic drug treatments of HIV-AIDS, that too goes against the whole
> spirit of democratic governance. No 'Globalization without Representation'
> read the Sierra Club placards in the protest march, putting the point
> about these and many other cases of democratic hand-cuffing with
> historical poignancy for Americans.
> Clearly, while the gurus of globalization mock from the sidelines,
> President Clinton has already heard some of these messages and has begun
> to respond: signing an anti-child labor agreement and urging the WTO to be
> more transparent. And perhaps other changes in the future may lead to
> less economistic bias within the WTO so that panels can begin to
> distinguish between the protection of people and the environment and de
> facto economic protectionism . But changes to the WTO itself will only
> ever serve as crisis-management if they are not accompanied by a far more
> radical reappraisal of how we can create global democratic
> counterweights to global free trade. One important step in that
> direction, I think,
> would be to allow other global agreements on environmental protection, on
> world health, on labor rights and on human rights to function as trumps
> within the WTO
> settlement mechanism. In other words, to allow countries to appeal to
> other international agreements in the context of the trade panel hearings.
> This would not lead to a world government or super-state at all, but it
> would make the kinds of environmental and human rights agreements that are
> now (like the NAFTA side-accords) so toothless much more legally
> meaningful. It would also enable the more robust if still uneven
> development of a global public sphere, a global place, in other words,
> for democracy itself.
> I told students at UW before the protests that the WTO is like an
> onion: the more you cut through its legalized layers and cases, the more
> you want to cry. I also said that if you want to stop crying you have to
> make sense of globalization. Little did I expect that the eyes of some of
> those same students would shortly be made to cry with the senselessness of
> tear gas attacks. The sensible thing to do is not to gloat over their
> pain, but rather to think seriously about how we can make democratic sense
> of today's global interdependencies.
>
> Matthew Sparke is an assistant professor of Geography and International
> Studies at the University of Washington in Seattle.
>
>
> Matthew Sparke,
> Box 353550,
> The University of Washington,
> Seattle, WA 98195
> Tel 206 543 5194 Fax 206 543 3313
>
__________________________________
Kim England,
Associate Professor,
Department of Geography,
Box 353550,
University of Washington,
Seattle, WA, 98195-3550.
Tel: (206) 221-7988; Fax: (206) 543-3313
e-mail: [log in to unmask]
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