>From Johnsons Russia List 3303 25 May 1999
#10
The Guardian (UK)
May 25, 1999
[for personal use only]
Serb experts get the cold shoulder
Their knowledge of Serbia is vast, yet the expertise of academics is ignored,
says Peter Kingston
"If I had been advising the prime minister on March 23..." Celia Hawkesworth,
senior lecturer in Serbian and Croatian studies at London university's School
of Slavonic and East European Studies, pauses. The fact is that she and her
colleagues have not been asked to advise Tony Blair, or any of the other
panjandrums running the British end of the Balkan campaign.
So accustomed have she and her colleagues become to the notion that their
expertise on the peoples, their histories, languages, politics and cultures
is not required by the decision-makers that she clearly feels embarrassment
at having started the sentence.
Had the premier called her, she would have given the same advice she thinks
he would have got from any Balkan academic, viz that the bombing wouldn't
work. "I would have said that it would homogenise the country and undermine
all those people who have been opposed to Slobodan Milosevic in increasingly
large numbers. I would have told him some thing to understand the mechanism
that Milosevic has been using - of the symbolic significance of Kosovo in
Serbian history and culture which Milosevic has exploited."
The difference between this and previous conflicts is the volume of email
communication between the 30-40 academics here specialising in various
aspects of the Balkans and their contacts in Serbia. No doubt the same is
true for academics in other countries.
"I can get 10 emails a day from Serbia," says Hawkesworth.The recurrent
messages from her contacts, academics, non-government organisations, people
who had courageously spoken out against the regime in power and had said they
were making ground, are that their task has been put back years.
"Their cry of woe is that they've invested an enormous effort in trying to
function normally and oppose him and they feel betrayed by countries that
have been their models - western democracies. It's no longer possible to
appeal on behalf of democracy because this is where it leads - to being a
bigger bully."
Academics feel frustrated to be holding all these communications from inside
Serbia without having an official outlet for them, she says. Some of the
emails are sent straight to government with rows of academics' signatures
saying: read the above. I haven't initiated any. I've just signed them."
Between the Balkans flaring up in 1991 and the Deyton Accord, a substantial
number of young people came to Britain to finish their interrupted studies in
a range of subjects or to avoid conscription. From 1992 the bulk came from
Bosnia, she says.
Among these, a few have come to the School of Slavonic Studies to study their
own culture because they want to understand what has been going on there, she
says. "It's very difficult when you are responsible for an area which is in a
state of conflict. As an academic one has to remain impartial. At the same
time, as a human being, one has views. But since the conflict started in 1991
we've had to be evenhanded, particularly when we've been getting students
from different parts of the region with different experiences."
The requirement on academics to be dispassionate, to give "on the one hand,
on the other hand" answers, she acknowledges, would irritate government
decision-makers.
Stephanie Schwandner-Sievers, her colleague, concurs. She is a German
academic whose field is Albanian studies, specifically as a social
anthropologist interested in history and political science. She has not
entirely had to stand on the sidelines. She knows that a website she set up
with details of Albanian scholars has been accessed by a range of
organisations, from the World Bank to the Foreign Office.
"But we are not brought directly into the political decision-making process
because political decision-makers always need clear strategies and we do the
opposite. We show how complicated realities are and possibly we might get too
area-specific."
Academics look at micro- phenomena, she says. "We try to unpeel reality like
an onion in all its complexities. Decision-makers have to take into account
more global issues, for example how is Russia going to react."
If an invitation to play a role is extended, academics can begin to feel
uncomfortable, she says. She was called a couple of days ago by a
high-ranking military officer in Brussels who wanted names of influential
families in Kosovo to talk to to ensure the development of a civil society in
Kosovo after the war.
He was assuming a quasi tribal structure which, although it might be applied
to some rural parts, does not fit urban areas where people want other models,
she says.
"As a cultural and social anthropologist, I am saying: we should think
carefully before we endorse structures which are really means of local power
struggles and inclusion and exclusion."
So, how did she resolve her dilemma? "I said I was an Albanian specialist and
gave him the name of a Kosovan specialist."
*******
Andrew Jameson
Chair, Russian Committee, ALL
Languages and Professional Development
1 Brook Street, Lancaster LA1 1SL UK
Tel: 01524 32371 (+44 1524 32371)
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