Dear all
First I would like to comment in an indirect way on Seiko Kitajima's
comments on media credibility. Second I would like to reflect upon the call
to stop the bombing, on its relation to the rationale of violent conflict
solving, and on baselines for a third way.
1. Once again on credibility
A text can never produce credibility per se. Its credibility is a result of
references to a context. Credibility and trust are resources for of all
officials of democratic governements, of political parties and of NGOs -
even of military leaders. They use these resources strategically, but
unless they are very unwise, they do not waste them. It is a quite normal
situation to live with fragmented information. But in case of war, we
suddenly become extremely aware of the deficiencies of information
production. But most available texts are produced within the same routines
of mass media, of politics and of public relations as always.
Instead of throwing in masses of of articles that have been published
elsewhere, we should remind us of critical reading and of strategic
analysis. These are procedures that are designed to destroy credibility.
Therefore, they are the most profound means to secure a careful use of the
resources of credibility and trust. However, there will never be a
guarantee for reliable reports.
2. On "Stop bombing!"
At the moment neither NATO nor MIlosevic have any good reason to stop their
way of warfare. They are complementing each other: The bombardement
paradoxically provides a protecting roof for the yougoslavian troops in
Kosovo, because the war has driven away all journalists and NGOs, and it
legitimates extraordinary measures and victims. On the other side, the
ethnic cleansing and massacres legitimate a hard position against the
serbians. Within this logic, NATO ground troops are the next step, unless
Milosevic calls back his forces from Kosovo. But why should he do so?
Because of victims? What would happen, if NATO stopped bombing? What are
the consequences for Kosovo, for neighbour countries, for other conflicts?
The whole process has been developed within al political logic that kept
the option of warfare as the last mean. Milosevic played virtuously within
this frame, and he seems to be supportet by many serbs who accept basically
nationalistic policies and militaristic mesures. This reduces the chances
to step out the logic of violent conflict solving drastically. Furthermore,
Milosevic has proven to be not a reliable contract partner. Just leaving
warfare and going back to negotiations means to accept Milosevic's or the
serbian rules to handle the future of the Balkans.
If neither of these two solutions within the traditional rational seems to
be acceptable, we have to think desperately about alternatives! At the
moment there is certainly no solution available. But it is not so difficult
to formulate some criteria that may lead a way out of the militaristic
logic of conflict solving. Most important: Security has to be provided by
non violent means! Therefore really dense contacts on economic, political
and cultural levels are a necessary condition. The countries of the Balkan
must not be isolated, but embedded in a network that carries and cares.
Since there is not trust anymore, there have to be other existentially
important things at stake, than the power of weapons. When poeple do not
have much to loose, only the possibility to gain a secure future and
welfare might have the power to secure some kind of peace.
However the kind of peace has to be formulated within a new language of
co-existence. I'm afraid that as long as regulations will be written in the
fatal categories of birth, which are: ethnicity and nationality, they will
reproduce some important factors of conflict. The relations between
ethnicity and all official boundaries, from quarter to community to state,
have to be broken. Any separatistic solution will only be a step to the
next violent redistribution of territories. Citizenship has to become a
matter of sharing a constitution instead of sharing the same blood. Only a
pluralistic constitution may lead out of these endless territorial
conflicts. However, this proposal would mean to change the principles of
social structuration in the Balkans, at least on all administrative levels.
Is this an equally appealing vision to Serbs, to Albanians and all the
other involved cultures? Or is it regarded as a typically western cultural
imperialism, a cheap selling of individuality and decay? What are actually
the proposals of the moderate serbian and kosovo-albanian intellectuals?
How could mutually securing bindings be build up quickly enough to replace
military forces? If more or less concrete answers could be given to these
and similar questions, there may be a chance to step out of the rationale
of warfare and to work out a strategy that promises advantages to most
involved parties. It is often said, that one cannot expect the refugees to
live any longer together with the serbs. But what else? Iron curtains
everywhere? It must be the goal to achieve a peacefull and cooperative
co-existence of all, disregarding their ethnic origin! To sum up: If the
western european countries want to engage for the vision of a pluralistic
and democratic society, they would have to offer a very strong commitment
to the Balkans, rather than isolation. But this offer would have to be
welcome.
Seen from this perspective, to call only for an end of bombing means to
accept more or less Milosevic's position and the military rationale. To
call for a proceeding of the bombardement means more or less the opposite.
I'm afraid that as long as we are not able to propose realistic
alternatives to the militaristic, ethnical and nationalistic rationales on
both sides, we are really condemned to choose between the two poles,
contrary to our pacifist feelings and intentions. However, so far I do not
see promising sings for a possible third way, neither from european
pacifists nor from serbian and kosovo-albanian sources. If there are, let
us know! I'd like to be wrong in this respect.
Wolfgang
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Dr. Wolfgang Zierhofer
Imfeldstr. 4
CH - 5430 Wettingen
Switzerland
Tel. +41 (0) 56 426 00 75
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