FYI,
KDJ
http://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/opinion/2012/03/2012331124714249529.html
Massive corruption does not justify Malian coup
Excuses for the coup do not warrant the overthrow of a democratically
elected government and set a dangerous precedent.
Last Modified: 31 Mar 2012 14:47
Gaborone, Botswana - Explanations differ for the coup d'etat that took
place in the West African nation of Mali on Thursday, March 22. The
conventional wisdom in international circles is that it was a series
of defeats by a poorly provisioned army fighting a heavily armed
Tuareg insurgency in the country's north that led the military to
stage a coup or mutiny. Commentators closer to the grassroots suggest
that these defeats were merely the straw that broke the camel's back -
and that the military had the support of many Malians because they
were fed up with an administration that was riddled from top to bottom
by corruption. Wherever the truth may lie, those concerned for the
long term wellbeing of this West African country must realise that
they are playing with fire if they attempt to justify the forceful
overthrow of a democratically elected government.
Mali's recently deposed president, Amadou Toumani Toure (also known as
ATT), had an auspicious beginning in politics, followed by a long,
slow decline in popularity. He first entered the public arena in 1991
when, as a military officer, he helped topple then-President Moussa
Traoré. Traoré was a despot who ruled undemocratically between 1968
and 1991, squandered his country's resources, and ordered the military
to fire on its own people. Following the imprisonment of Traoré, ATT
led a one year transition government and then stepped aside to allow
for the democratic election of Alpha Konaré (who served two elected
five-year terms between 1992 and 2002). ATT did successfully run for
president in 2002 and was re-elected again in 2007. He was at the tail
end of his second term when the March 22 coup d'etat occurred.
Whether knowingly or unknowingly, ATT had allowed his administration
to become phenomenally corrupt over time. While Malian democracy was
much applauded by Western donors, the average Malian only saw more and
more corruption and the rich getting richer. The average Malian saw
little if any improvement in his or her life. Recent defeats of the
Malian military to heavily armed Tuareg militants in the north
(rejuvenated by arms and fighters from Libya) only turned public
opinion further against the ATT government.
Dangerous precedent
Little is known about Captain Amadou Sanogo, the leader of the March
22 coup. If we are charitable and assume the best, then Captain Amadou
Sanogo may be a well-intentioned subaltern who unwillingly led a coup
because he was fed up with rampant corruption, improper support of the
military, and the declining welfare of the Malian people.
Sadly, however, the ends do not justify the means. Coups are steely
sharp, double edged swords, as one violent transition of power opens
the door a little wider for yet another violent transition of power.
And this is the problem, because the next coup plotter may not be such
a nice fellow. Rather, it may be a person of real ill intent that has
simply amassed enough guns to assert his will on the country. It is
this future, this vicious cycle, of which the Malian people must be
especially wary. While democracy is messy and imperfect, it at least
guarantees a platform for ideas to be heard and debated, and the hope
that the most meritorious candidate (not the one with the most guns)
will triumph, from time to time.
A solution to the Malian crisis must be found quickly if some
semblance of the country's 20-year democratic legacy is to be
maintained. While it is not easy to "undo" a coup, such an event could
be discursively recast as a mutiny that was peacefully resolved
through negotiation. If there is any hope of this happening, the
situation must be addressed in the coming week, if not days.
Unfortunately, the most recent attempt by neighbouring West African
leaders to visit the country was aborted due to hostile crowds
gathering at the airport.
But the international community must not give up. Furthermore, the
Malian public must realise that it is in their best interests to let
neutral international negotiators broker an agreement which allows
both the ATT administration and the mutineers, led by Captain Sanogo,
to save face. If these two men and their supporters really care about
the future of their country, then they will do whatever it takes to
recast the recent coup as a minor blip in an otherwise democratic
transition of power.
The future
ATT, having recently spoken on French television, has indicated his
willingness to step aside if it will allow the country to come
together again. As such, he should be allowed to return to power for a
few days and then resign to make way for a transitional governing
committee. He should further agree to not press charges against
Captain Sanogo or his associates.
It is absolutely imperative that the transitional governing committee
include no members of the Malian military. Such a committee, whose
sole purpose would be to keep basic government services functioning
and prepare the country for elections in a few months, would ideally
be led by a well respected elder statesman, such as the former,
democratically elected, President Alpha Konaré. Captain Sanogo, for
his part, must publically declare that he and his committee, known as
the National Committee for the Restoration of Democracy and State
(CNRDR), no longer wish to be involved in politics and fully support
ATT's brief resumption of power and decision to hand over power to a
neutral, civilian led transition committee.
Democracy is certainly no panacea for a poor country struggling to
improve its standard of living. But if the Malian people are truly
outraged by poor governance and rampant corruption, then let them
champion and elect a reformer who pledges to clean up government. This
is far better than the dangerous precedent of ephemeral reform by
military coup.
William G. Moseley is a human-environment and development geographer.
He is a professor at Macalester College in Saint Paul, MN USA and,
currently, visiting scholar in the Department of Environmental Science
at the University of Botswana, Gaborone. Moseley has worked on and off
in Mali since 1987.
The views expressed in this article are the author's own and do not
necessarily reflect Al Jazeera's editorial policy.
--
Kevin M. DeJesus, PhD
http://independent.academia.edu/KevinMDeJesus
Co-Editor, H-Mideast Politics
http://www.h-net.org/~midepol/
Book Review Editor, H-Africa
http://www.h-net.org/~africa/
Mobile:
401-559-4056
|
