The Week in Europe
By David Jessop
Should Cuba become a signatory to the new Suva Convention which will link
the European Union (EU) to 71 African, Caribbean and Pacific States (the
ACP) and which succeeds the Lomé Convention? This is the question that is
beginning to exercise the minds of those at the highest levels of European
Governments.
Over the past two weeks it has become apparent that while a growing number
of EU nations are prepared to back Cuba's accession to the new Convention
when it is signed on June 8th in Fiji, others may not.
The issue is a complex one which if not resolved quickly and satisfactorily
could disrupt relations between ACP states and the EU in which Caribbean
governments, who have in effect sponsored Cuba's membership, may find
themselves at odds with traditional partners in Europe.
Cuba's accession to the new trade and aid based Convention was given
unanimous support in early February by the ACP. Cuba subsequently indicated
formally to the EU that the Republic wished to become a signatory to the new
Treaty when all existing ACP states sign in Fiji.
Originally the EU and ACP agreed in June 1998, just before negotiations
proper began in Europe, that Cuba should have observer status during the
discussions on a successor arrangement to Lomé IV. At that time the EU
Council of Ministers agreed amongst themselves that while Cuba could
participate on this basis, Cuban membership of any new Convention would
ultimately depend on an improvement in the internal situation in Cuba with
regard to aspects of civil society.
This decision was not taken in isolation but in the context of another
arrangement already in place. Then as now the EU had a common position on
Cuba. This politically led stance agreed in December 1996, seeks to maintain
a single European approach towards Havana. It sets out a series of
calibrated responses necessary before there can be any improvement in
relations with Europe and its member states and is based on criteria
established by the EU relating to improvements in human rights and political
freedoms.
However, since the time that was agreed much water has swept under the
bridge in the bilateral relationship between individual European states and
Cuba. Today the common position is far from that. Nations such as France,
Spain and more recently even Germany have significantly and unilaterally
upgraded their relations with Cuba without seeking any specific political or
civil concessions in return. As a result it is now hard to understand the
exact nature of Europe's policy on Cuba. So much so that some European
nations believe that as the existing policy has failed demonstrably, Cuba
should be drawn into a new and broader based relationship such as that
offered by the Suva Convention. They argue that Europe should see its
relationship with Cuba in the development context provided by the trade and
aid framework in this successor to the Lomé Convention. Others however,
believe that rigorous adherence to what has been agreed to is the only basis
for an EU-wide approach.
The EU's Council of ministers is now faced with a complex political task.
Any decision on which nations can accede to a Treaty such as that to be
signed in Fiji with the EU requires unanimity. Amongst those prepared to
back Cuban membership of the new Convention are Spain, France, Italy,
Portugal and it now seems Germany and Belgium. While some of these may not
seek political conditions they may request specific commitments on certain
commodities largely to protect domestic industries.
Others however are not so certain. While the Nordic and other countries have
yet to make clear their position most are thought to be neutral or prepared
to go with a majority decision. However, it appears that Britain, the
Netherlands and Denmark may have serious reservations.
While the issue is likely to be formally first discussed by EU Foreign
Ministers meeting in Council before Easter there is growing concern in some
ACP and Caribbean circles about the implications of rejection.
For its part Cuba is taking something of a gamble. It decision to accede to
the Suva Convention was not taken lightly. It is prepared to become a
signatory even though it has had reservations about the compromises implied
by some aspects of the text of the Treaty it now wishes to sign. Senior
Cuban officials argue, however, that being inside Lomé will be better for
the island's long term future, end its relative isolation, and place it
fully in the longer term in its natural environment, the Caribbean. They
also suggest that accession to the new Convention will provide a broader
framework for a non-prescriptive dialogue between Havana and Europe and a
real opportunity to formalise a new and practical Cuban relationship with
Europe.
Later this month the EU will be sending a delegation to Cuba. This will
consist of senior political representatives of the immediate past Presidency
of the Union (Finland), the present Presidency (Portugal) and the next EU
Presidency (France). Ostensibly the visit is to engage in dialogue and
assess the extent to which the common position is achieving results.
However, there appears in some quarters in Europe and possibly elsewhere,
moves to try to link the visit to the question of whether Cuba should or
should not become a member of the Suva Convention.
What happens next is far from certain. Cuba will not stand idly by and allow
its application for membership to be treated by some EU states in a manner
different from any other similar ACP request. It also seems to be that case
that the ACP having agreed Cuba's request for ACP membership by acclamation
will not wish to acquiesce over the issue if Europe is divided.
Caribbean and other ACP leaders cite practical, emotional and historic
reasons why Cuba should become a signatory to the new Convention. Cuba for
its part regards full ACP membership as opening up a new and alternative
interrelationship with Europe and the possibility of a creating new balance
in it historically difficult relationship with the United States, especially
if there were to be some opening to that nation. Any rejection of Cuba's
application may not only damage irrevocably the possibility of any
alternative framework for dialogue but could also have unpredictable
consequences for Cuba, the ACP and individual EU member states.
David Jessop is the Executive Director of the Caribbean Council for Europe
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